A Masterpiece of Propaganda with the Real Goal of Getting Rid of the BDP Kurdish Party
In his latest speech broadcast on the Herkul.org website, Fethullah Gülen commented on his grief over the deaths of the security members during the PKK attacks in the country‘s Southeast region. He was disappointed that “the Turkish military failed to kill a group of bandits in the mountains over the last 30 years,” Gülen said.
In his speech Gülen also spoke of measures that should be taken to help resolve the Kurdish problems including the opening up of five new dormitories in the city of Van, and sending imams into all the Kurdish provinces to indoctrinate Kurds to accept his version of Islam. Teachers are to assimilate the Kurdish children. “If we only could have sent to that region Imams who teach Islam to them, if these measures were taken before, we would not have any Kurdish problem,” Gülen claimed.
The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort, but where he stands at the times of challenge and controversy, according to Martin Luther King. The question for Mr. Gülen is where did you stand for three decades of the Kurdish suffering? Read more

For the last two years I have been pounding on Imam Fethullah Gulen’s web of organizations and his charter schools empire in the US. For years I have been marveling about the consistent media blackout on the Turkish Imam Fethullah Gulen’s past and present nefarious activities and highly suspicious partnerships with various US government agencies and elected officials. And of course for almost two years I have been writing and discussing Gulen with you over here at Boiling Frogs Post. Now the New York Times appears to be catching up; at least with a fraction of this notorious Imam’s multi billion dollar network of organizations and businesses. Yesterday, the Times ran a fairly detailed and long 


It took some time, but now it won’t be long anymore before the lawsuit begins against the military junta behind the 12 September coup in 1980, the bloodiest takeover in Turkish history. For many years the responsible generals knew themselves protected by article 15 in the constitution, which ruled out their prosecution. The outcome of the referendum September last year brought an end to article 15, causing prosecution to become possible at last.
Demir’s focus is on the period between 12 September 1980, the day of the coup, and November 1983. So his investigation is not aimed at those who were paving the way for the takeover during the seventies. Like Paul Henze, the station chief of the American intelligence service CIA. Although Henze left his post just before the coup to become security advisor of American President Jimmy Carter, he has often been mentioned as the dark force behind the 1980 coup. Henze instigated much of the political violence in the years before the takeover. Not an unimportant contribution, since the chaos following on political violence was the main argument for the generals to take control. The fascist Grey Wolves, the Counter-Guerrilla unit and the national intelligence service MIT were the operational forces in the creation of this violence, but it was CIA puppet master Henze who gave the orders. The testimony of a Grey Wolve on a later date says it all: ‘With the provocations by the MIT and the CIA the ground was prepared for the September 12 coup’.


